Afenyo-Markin: Minority leader slams Mahama government’s first 120 days as a ‘negative reset’

The Minority in Parliament has launched a scathing critique of President John Dramani Mahama’s administration, describing the government’s first 120 days in office as a “Negative Reset” rather than the bold new beginning promised to Ghanaians.

Speaking at a press briefing on Wednesday, Minority leader Alexander Afenyo-Markin accused the National Democratic Congress (NDC) of prioritizing propaganda over policy and failing to deliver meaningful progress since assuming power.

According to him, President Mahama’s 120-day social contract, which was meant to usher in swift reforms and solutions to Ghana’s economic and social challenges, has instead resulted in widespread disappointment and inaction. “What Ghanaians are witnessing is not a reset. It is a relapse,” he said adding that the government appears overwhelmed and unprepared to tackle the issues it promised to address.

He further criticized the administration’s reliance on high-profile public ceremonies rather than tangible policy outcomes.

“It has been a parade of optics: launch, launch, launch—all just to tick boxes and deceive Ghanaians,” the Minority stated, accusing the government of majoring in the minors while core national issues remain unresolved.

A particular target of the Minority leader’s criticism was the NDC’s flagship ’24-Hour Economy’ policy, which he described as abandoned and directionless. He claimed the government has shown little interest in follow-through, instead offering slogans and empty promises meant to win political points rather than effect real change.

He urged the Mahama-led administration to move beyond “flashy launches” and focus on credible, sustainable governance.

“Ghanaians deserve better than excuses and empty ceremonies,” he stressed, vowing to hold the government accountable for what he says is a failure to deliver on its benchmarks.

Below is the full text of the statement

PRESS ADDRESS BY THE MINORITY LEADER, OSAHEN ALEXANDER AFENYO-MARKIN ON THE STATE OF GOVERNANCE UNDER PRESIDENT MAHAMA’S FIRST 120 DAYS IN OFFICE; Exposing the True Colours of the Umbrella: 120 Days of Disappointment and Deception.

INTRODUCTION

Ladies and Gentlemen of the press, fellow Ghanaians,

Welcome to this all-important press briefing. Today, we expose the true colours of the umbrella and present to the people of Ghana the real state of our nation after President Mahama and the NDC’s first 120 days in government.

Yesterday, 7^th May, 2025, marked exactly 120 days since His Excellency John Dramani Mahama was sworn into office. In the lead-up to that moment, and again in his inaugural speech, the President boldly declared a “reset” for Ghana: a 120-day social contract, promising swift action, meaningful change and tangible results across key sectors.

We, the Minority, have watched these 120 days closely, and today, we speak on behalf of the millions of Ghanaians who feel let down and disappointed, and are already burdened by the consequences of what has proven to be a Negative Reset by this government.

What has been the reality in these 120 days?

In these 120 days, all we have seen is populism without policy, lamentations without leadership, retaliatory politics, persecution of political opponents and complaints without credible solutions. This government came into office with no clear plan, no strategy, and certainly no innovative ideas to solve the problems of Ghanaians.

They rode on the back of slogans, sweet-sounding but empty promises, crafted to win votes, not to govern. The result? Excuses upon excuses.

What Ghanaians are witnessing is not a reset. It is a RELAPSE. A government overwhelmed by the weight of its own deception—struggling, stumbling, and failing miserably.

They have failed to deliver on any tangible policy. Even their so-called “24-Hour Economy”, their flagship policy, has been abandoned. Instead, they are in a hurry to launch and announce. Majoring in the minors just to buy time.

It has been a parade of optics: launch, launch, launch—all just to tick boxes and deceive Ghanaians into thinking something meaningful is happening. They are busy congratulating themselves for no work done.

We want to remind this government that it is not about the number of flashy launches they stage, they should deliver on what they promised, sustainably and credibly.

These so-called launches are at best empty ceremonies, loud beginnings with no substance and no end in sight.

Let us now turn to the substance and break it down one by one

1. JOBS AND YOUTH EMPLOYMENT: BROKEN PROMISES, MASS DISMISSALS (starting from 7^th January)

One of the loudest promises made by President Mahama and the NDC was to create jobs and prioritise youth employment. Yet, after 120 days into office, this promise has not only been broken, but it has also been reversed. They have rather worsened the unemployment situation.

The very first act of the NDC government upon assuming office was to sack thousands of Ghanaian youth and senior public servants who were legitimately employed into the Public Sector, many of whom were employed as far back as 2017. Right from his first day in office, President Mahama initiated a wave of politically motivated dismissals across key public institutions. These actions created disruptions in public service delivery and institutional continuity.

Ghanaian youth who had gone through proper recruitment processes have now been rendered jobless for no reason other than political vindictiveness. Professionals, many with several years of technical experience were removed from their positions, especially in strategic sectors like health, agriculture, education, and emergency response. Targeted Agencies include:

• ⁠Ghana Health Service: Senior directors and administrators replaced abruptly, stalling ongoing public health programs and vaccine rollouts.
• ⁠NADMO: Key disaster management personnel dismissed. The replacements lacked hands-on emergency coordination experience, increasing the risk of poor response in crisis situations.
• ⁠  ⁠COCOBOD: Professionals managing cocoa pricing, extension services, and farmer support programs were shown the door, potentially destabilizing support for the cocoa sector.
• GES, GRA, Ghna Maritime Authority, etc

The Education Minister, Hon. Haruna Iddrisu, acknowledged the outcry and spoke of “validating” affected teachers. Yet to date we have no evidence that any of these dismissed teachers have been reinstated.

These mass dismissals have not only worsened the already high unemployment rate but have also created adverse consequences such as:

• severe economic and social hardships on the affected individuals and their families. Some are struggling to afford even the most basic necessities like food.
• Loss of institutional memory and expertise.
• Delays in project implementation and policy follow-through.
• A demoralised public service culture where loyalty now overrides competence.
• Public Frustration: The promise of a “government for all” quickly shifted to one that favored party loyalists and cronies.

Ironically, this government deceived Ghanaian youth with a so-called “1-3-3” jobs model—a policy that claims three individuals will work round the clock in 3 shifts to power a 24-hour economy. The very foundation of a 24-hour economy demands expansion, not shrinking of the workforce. And yet, this government has chosen to dismiss thousands of qualified workers. You didn’t create the jobs so why take it from them. Why this contradiction?

The truth is simple: the NDC government is not serious about jobs. It is not serious about youth employment. And it is certainly not serious about building any so-called 24-hour economy.

And let’s not forget, many of the affected individuals actually voted for them, believing in their vision to provide jobs…They have been deceived!

Their promise to “create an enabling environment” for businesses has translated into a “wait-and-see” approach – a complete lack of policy direction for the private sector.

DISMISSAL OF ARMY GENERALS

This government dismissed the entire leadership of the Ghana Armed Forces, including the Chief of Defence Staff, all service chiefs, and no fewer than 12 senior officers holding 2-star, 3-star, and even 4-star ranks. These seasoned officers were forced into premature retirement, only to be replaced by relatively junior personnel—most notably, the unprecedented appointment of a 1-star General as Chief of Defence Staff. This mass restructuring has not only dealt a blow to military morale but has also placed a significant financial burden on the state due to early gratuity payments. More worryingly, it undermines the institutional memory, discipline, and chain of command within our armed forces. At a time when national security demands stability and professionalism, this administration has instead chosen to politicise the military.

2. STATE-SPONSORED INTIMIDATION AND THE WITCH-HUNTING OF POLITICAL OPPONENTS

Again President Mahama, in his 120-day social contract, promised to “purge state security agencies of all militia and vigilante elements.” Yet, we have witnessed the exact opposite. Rather than cleansing the system, this government has emboldened these elements—turning state security agencies into tools of political intimidation. From Rambo-style raids on the homes and offices of former appointees to coordinated acts of aggression against perceived opponents, what we are seeing state-sponsored harassment masked as law enforcement. Since assuming office, President Mahama has weaponised the security services, deploying them in retrogressive, PNDC-style raids on the homes of political opponents.Some incidents:

• On the morning of Tuesday, February 11, 2025, armed military personnel, police officers, and plainclothes security operatives, without any warrant or justification, stormed the private residence of former Finance Minister, Ken Ofori-Atta. These armed officers, despite repeated demands from Mr Ofori-Atta’s on-site security team for a warrant, forcefully broke into the house, ransacked the premises, searched every corner, and upon finding nothing, left.
• Similarly the residence of Lord Commey, former Director of Operations at the Jubilee House, was raided, with his vehicles unlawfully seized. Former Minister of Defence, Dominic Nitiwul, was also targeted, as security operatives chased him down and forcibly took possession of his vehicle while it was at a workshop.
• On Wednesday, 19th March , 2025, around 5 a.m., about 20 heavily armed operatives, some wearing balaclavas and wielding AK-47 rifles, led by Richard Jakpa, Director of Special Operations at the National Security Secretariat, raided the private residence of former Bank of Ghana Governor, Dr. Ernest Addison, at Roman Ridge, Accra.
• On Saturday, April 5, 2025, 30 armed National Security operatives and military personnel raided the private residence of Superintendent Yakubu Issahaku, Aide-de-Camp (ADC) to former Vice President, Dr. Bawumia, in Sapeiman. They forcibly entered his home and ransacked the entire property, causing significant destruction.
• Then, on Wednesday, 9th April, 2025, there was an unlawful and politically motivated attempt by officials of the National Investigations Bureau (NIB) to arrest the Member of Parliament for Assin South, Rev. John Ntim Fordjour at his residence. A glaring example of state-sponsored intimidation of opposition figures who speak out on sensitive national matters.

These are just a few of the many acts of persecution that this NDC government has carried out in the last 120 days.

Rather than focusing on the mandate Ghanaians have entrusted to them and addressing the pressing issues confronting our nation, this government has chosen the path of retaliatory politics and the political persecution of opponents.

In fact, these acts of violence started even before President Mahama’s swearing in. After the elections, the NDC deployed mercenaries and thugs to polling stations and collation centres across the country. They brutalised our party agents, intimidated voters, and coerced Electoral Commission officials into declaring fraudulent parliamentary results in their favour. Where they failed to steal outright, they sought to manipulate, to bully, to force outcomes.

These mercenaries and thugs did not merely brutalise our parliamentary candidates, agents and supporters, They inflicted physical harm, burned down Electoral Commission offices, and destroyed vital public property. Yet, to this day, none of them has been held accountable in a court of law.

3. ENERGY SECTOR: ⁠Return of Dumsor (From March Onwards)

Just 120 days into their term and Dumsor is back. Across the country, Ghanaians are grappling with persistent power outages, yet the government has failed to provide even a basic load-shedding timetable to guide citizens and businesses. Under the leadership of H.E. Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, the NPP government successfully kept the lights on for eight consecutive years and handed over a stable power situation. We invested significantly in the Energy sector to improve power generation capacity. Yet, within just four months, this administration has failed to sustain that legacy, plunging the nation back into darkness.

⁠Impact of Dumsor:

• Businesses: SMEs are bearing the brunt of rising operational costs due to generator use.
• Health facilities: Hospitals, especially outside the capital, are struggling to maintain emergency care during outages.
• Households: Public frustration is rising due to disrupted daily routines and increased energy-related expenses.

Not only is Dumsor back, but Ghanaians are now paying more for electricity. On 12^th April, 2025, the Public Utilities Regulatory Commission (PURC) announced a 14.75% increase in electricity tariffs and 4.02% increase in water tariffs.

Increase/reduction in electricity tariffs under the NDC (from 2009 to 2016) and NPP (from 2017 to 2024).

Under NDC                                           Under NPP

2009 – nill                                              2017 – nill

2010 – 89% increase                               2018 – 17.5% reduction

2011 – 10% increase                               2019 – 17.46% increase

2012 – 7.42% increase                            2020 – nill

2013 – 58.9% increase                            2021 – nill

2014 – 28.35% increase                          2022 – nill

2015 – 90.93% increase                          2023 – 51.02% increase

2016 – 10% increase                               2024 – 6.47% increase

The NDC from 2009 to 2016 did a cumulative percentage increase in electricity tariffs of 294.6%, which translates into an average increase in electricity tariffs of 36.8% over their 8 years period in government

The NPP, on the other hand, did a cumulative percentage increase in electricity tariffs of 57.45% and an average of 7.2%.

With IMF under the NPP government, we got reduction in utilities in Ghana. Then this clueless government told the country that the reduction was small, and that they will reduce utilities even further when they win power. They win power and in their first 120 days, they slap us with a 14% increase. What a scam!

• This government is full of double standards and contradictions. Recently, Energy Minister, Hon. John Jinapor, was lamenting over Karpower’s threat to shut down the plant…
• The Energy Minister was fully aware of the Energy sector situation before they took over.
• This Karpower issue came up in the past. When the NPP assumed office, we didn’t lament; we negotiated and paid. We took responsibility.
• These payments were made through strategic negotiations and proactive financial management. So instead of throwing their hands up in despair, government must enhance negotiations, manage the situation, and ensure power remains stable.

The 24-hour economy promise has been contradicted by power outages.

If the government cannot keep the lights on, they have no business promising round-the-clock productivity. Businesses are already suffering!

The irony is that President Mahama campaigned as the leader who resolved dumsor during his previous term. During his State of the Nation address, he reiterated that same lie. ⁠Now, within 120 of his return, the crisis has resurfaced under his watch.

4. LEAN GOVERNMENT YET FATTY FAT POLITICAL EXPENDITURE

This government has gone to great lengths to create the impression that it is cutting down on expenditure by appointing fewer ministers. They parade this move as an act of prudence and fiscal discipline—but in reality, it is nothing more than political theatre designed to deceive the Ghanaian people.

The truth is that the supposed reduction in ministerial appointments has had little to no impact on the ballooning cost of government. If this administration were truly serious about austerity, then why was the Office of Government Machinery alone allocated a staggering GHS 3.8 billion? Of that amount, a jaw-dropping GHS 2.7 billion has been earmarked solely for staff remuneration.

This means that while they make noise about fewer ministers, they are quietly bloating the government machinery behind the scenes—hiring more staff, creating unnecessary roles, and rewarding party foot soldiers with public funds. It is a clear case of reducing ministers to increase cronies. The reduction in ministerial numbers is simply a smokescreen to distract from the unchecked expansion of the executive arm.

We must be honest with ourselves: the real cost of governance is not just about the number of ministers. It is about how efficiently and transparently the entire executive machinery operates. All talk of cost-cutting is mere lip service!

Moreover, consider the pattern of political appointments to public institutions. Over the past 120 days, the President has replaced the heads and boards of many state agencies – that is expected with a change of government. What is distressing, however, is the overt partisan approach and the purging of perceived opponents. We’ve already spoken about the mass firings of civil servants like teachers and health workers. But it goes beyond that. In various independent state institutions and even limited liability companies with government stakes, loyal professionals have been pushed out solely for being associated with the previous administration. This creates a climate of fear and division. As I stated earlier, it’s creating “two Ghanas” – one for the ruling party loyalists, and one for everyone else who is treated as an enemy. This is not the unity and inclusive governance Ghanaians were promised.

5. Economy: False Narrative  and Artificial Gains

The biggest scam of this NDC Government is their 24-hour economy policy. After 120 days in office, we have not seen a single blueprint or policy document. This clearly shows they were not prepared to implement the 24-hour economy policy—it was merely a campaign slogan. When the President appeared before Parliament to deliver his State of the Nation Address, he assured the nation that the 24-hour economy policy document would be brought to Parliament by the Finance Minister, with allocations made for it in the 2025 Budget. Yet, it was nowhere to be found in their “Azaa” Budget. The Finance Minister later came with an entirely different narrative.

On the macroeconomic front, the Cedi’s recent strength is often touted by the government as an achievement. Yes, the cedi has appreciated in the past months – but let’s examine why. Independent analyses show three main factors behind the stronger cedi: (1) a global trend of a weakening US dollar amid external uncertainties, (2) a temporary lull in government spending so far this year, and (3) heavy intervention by the Bank of Ghana (BoG) on the foreign exchange market. In truth, much of the cedi’s gain is artificial and externally driven, not the result of any novel policy by this government. The danger is that as soon as government spending picks up or external conditions change, the cedi will come under pressure again – making this stability short-lived.

Inflation has seen a modest decline in the first quarter of the year – easing to 22.4% in March and 21.2% in April 2025 – continuing the downward trend begun under the previous administration. We acknowledge any relief this offers Ghanaians. However, let’s be clear: annual inflation above 20% is still painfully high. Prices of basic goods and services remain exorbitant for the average Ghanaian family. The cost of living crisis that peaked last year has not vanished simply because the rate of increase has slowed. Indeed, many Ghanaians still struggle with high fuel costs, transport fares, and food prices that outpace their incomes. The previous NPP government laid the groundwork for macro-stability by securing the IMF program that helped rein in inflation and restore confidence. We expect this government not to squander those gains. So far, however, we have seen no comprehensive economic plan or bold reforms beyond convening a one-off National Economic Forum. Where is the coherent strategy to spur growth and jobs? Where is the follow-through on the promised “homegrown fiscal consolidation programme”?

6. GALAMSEY

This government is losing the fight against galamsey badly. Galamsey is not just an environmental issue—it is a national emergency. It has so many ripple effects; it threatens our rivers, forests, public health, and livelihoods. Solving it requires a united, sustained, and apolitical effort involving government, traditional authorities, security agencies, civil society, and local communities. Unfortunately, when the NDC was in opposition, they chose to do politics with the issue, turning it into a partisan tool. Now that they are in government, they are beginning to face the hard reality. And what has become evident is their glaring double standards on the issue.

• They never had any sustainable solutions to the galamsey menace. They were just doing propaganda to win votes. Now, they are doing selective enforcement of the laws. There’s clear political protection for certain illegal miners (those within their Party). People within their party are now leading the galamsey charge.
• The recent incident where Lands Minister Armah Kofi Buah broke down in tearsduring a press briefing after viewing a documentary on galamsey was just theatrics.
• Such emotional outbursts are political theatrics aimed at garnering public sympathy, rather than demonstrating a commitment to resolving the issue.

While in opposition, the NDC, including Armah Kofi Buah, heavily criticised the NPP administration’s handling of galamsey and said that even a week was enough time for President Akufo-Addo to end galamsey. They have had 120 days to end it, but it has rather become worse. Now, with the reins of power, the expectation is for them to implement solutions, not express regret and lament over the issue every day.

• Organised Labour, in its 2025 Workers’ Day statement, criticised the government’s handling of galamsey, stating the situation is worsening, with increased destruction of the environment.
• Former President Akufo-Addo suspended L.I. 2462, but the current administration has not followed through on its revocation as they promised.
• The recent launch of the so-called “Blue Water Guards” is nothing more than an attempt to recruit party foot soldiers under the guise of tackling galamsey. The reality on the ground tells a different story. Armed soldiers at the forefront of this fight, are struggling to dismantle the entrenched galamsey networks, let alone these so-called Blue-Water Guards.
• This government must treat illegal mining as an environmental and national security emergency and bring long-lasting solutions.

7. GOLDBOD

The government’s decision to set up a Ghana Gold Board was rushed without clarity on structure, accountability mechanisms, or how it will curb illegal mining. On the floor of the House, we raised critical concerns regarding the Gold Board Bill, cautioning against the dangers of centralizing excessive control over the gold trade in a government entity. While stabilizing forex reserves is a worthy goal, creating a monopoly risks stifling competition, discouraging investment, and fuelling smuggling.  At a time when key sectors like agriculture and women-led enterprises struggle for funding, is it prudent to commit $279 million to this initiative without clear guarantees on returns?

8. Taxation: Partial Reliefs and Policy Inconsistencies

Let’s turn to taxation and fiscal policy. A cornerstone of President Mahama’s campaign was to scrap “draconian taxes” like the e-Levy, the COVID-19 levy, the 10% tax on betting winnings, and the emissions levy. But he has done this only partially. Notably, the COVID-19 levy (an extra VAT charge) remains in place despite the President’s 90-day deadline to abolish it. Taxes at our ports still remain. We heard of a forthcoming review of the VAT regime and import duties, but no concrete action yet on the pledge to review import taxes on industrial and agricultural equipment – another 90-day promise that remains unfulfilled.

Contrast this with the previous NPP administration: when we introduced necessary but unpopular measures like the e-Levy in 2022, it was done to address a specific revenue emergency and accompanied by efforts to improve efficiency in collection. And when inflation and fuel prices surged, we implemented targeted reliefs (such as removing the Price Stabilisation levy on fuel temporarily) to cushion Ghanaians. We had a plan to broaden the tax base while lowering rates gradually as the economy stabilised. In these 120 days, by contrast, the new government’s approach to taxation can best be described as populist quick fixes without long-term vision.

9. EDUCATION AND SOCIAL POLICY

President Mahama made sweeping promises in education – from a “No-Academic-Fee” policy for all first-year tertiary students, to free tertiary education for persons with disabilities, to distributing free sanitary pads to schoolgirls. These were headline-grabbing pledges intended to ease burdens on students and parents. But how many of these have been truly fulfilled?

The reality is stark: not a single first-year university student has received a fee-free education under this policy so far. There has been no issuance of refunds or payments to cover freshmen fees at our public tertiary institutions. I challenge the government – point to one student in Legon, Kumasi, Cape Coast, or any public university who can say their fees were paid by the state as promised. There is none; the universities themselves have confirmed they have received no such instructions or funding. Likewise, the much-vaunted free tertiary for students with disabilities has seen zero implementation – “no person with a disability’s fee has been paid. Nobody,” as has been observed. These were flagship social pledges, and failing to even begin them in any meaningful way by Day 120 is a serious letdown.

WHERE IS THE WOMEN’S DEVELOPMENT BANK?

10. COCOA SECTOR

Instead of fixing the deepening crisis in the cocoa sector and delivering on their promises to hardworking cocoa farmers, this government has resorted to lamentation. The newly appointed CEO of COCOBOD, Dr. Randy Abbey, has been moving from one platform to another—lamenting and complaining, rather than offering concrete solutions. Ghanaians didn’t vote for lamentations; they voted for leadership and results. Our cocoa farmers deserve better than this chorus of excuses. The challenges they are complaining about, including high debts, low output, roll-over contracts and quasi-fiscal expenditure including cocoa roads did not start under the NPP. You left the NPP with a bigger mess in 2017. It was due to the efforts of the outgoing CEO, Boahen-Aidoo and his team, that’s Cocobod regained its position in the world as the number 2 producer. Solve problems! Stop the lamentation. The NPP did a lot in the Cocoa sector- Agronomic practices and other interventions.

11. RULE OF LAW AND THE JUDICIARY

The 1992 Constitution, the sacred covenant that binds us as a free and sovereign people, is under brazen assault. The very institutions entrusted with safeguarding our liberties are being infiltrated, manipulated, and desecrated by a ruthless cabal determined to cling to power at all costs.

Even before he returned to power, President John Mahama had already begun his violent assault on constitutional order. He established the so-called ORAL Committee—an entity without legal basis or constitutional backing—which engaged in flagrant illegality. That was the opening salvo in what has now become a full-blown campaign to dismantle our sacred democratic foundations.

• CJ’s SUSPENSION AND JUDICIARY CAPTURE
• Grave Executive overreach.
• Calculated attack on the independence of the Judiciary. This is not an isolated incident. It is the execution of a long-hatched plan.
• As far back as August 28, 2022, while still in opposition, then-candidate John Mahama made a public declaration at the NDC Lawyers’ Conference that clearly revealed the NDC’s mindset toward the judiciary. He emphatically stated that a new Chief Justice would be needed[to rebuild public confidence], claiming the image of the judiciary was “broken.” That was a clear and premeditated intent to remove whoever was occupying that office—regardless of merit—should the NDC win power.
• ⁠Again, in September 2023, Mahama, at another NDC Lawyers’ Conference in Akosombo, accused the then-government of “packing the courts with NPP-aligned judges,” and urged NDC lawyers to be prepared to serve on the bench to correct the balance.These were not casual remarks; it was only the beginning of a calculated political agenda to take control of the judiciary and prepare President Mahama to run for a third term.
• What we are witnessing now is the fulfilment of that political threat.
• The NDC had no intention of respecting the Separation of Powers. The judiciary was always a target, and the High Office of the Chief Justice was singled out.

• Nomination of Justices to Supreme Court
• Akufo-Addo met 14 Supreme Court justices in 2017 and left behind 14 justices in January 2025. Four months in office now, John Mahama has shocked all of us and moved to increase the number of Supreme Court justices to 20?
• Sudden mass nomination of seven Justices may be part of the bigger agenda for Mahama to consider running for a third term
• We must ask: Why now? What is the urgency? Is this about justice, or about abuse of power?
• This is not about overdue appointments; it is about court-packing. A clear attempt to tilt the balance of the judiciary in their favour.
• This government seeks to totally capture all the three Arms of Government.
• Again, this NDC government is very hypocritical and inconsistent in their principles – Past Criticisms of Supreme Court Appointments
• While in opposition, the NDC heavily criticised President Akufo-Addo for appointing Justices to the Supreme Court, alleging attempts to “pack” the judiciary with NPP loyalists to avoid accountability.
• In July 2024, the NDC, through General Secretary Fifi Fiavi Kwetey, condemned President Akufo-Addo’s nomination of five justices, describing it as an “assault on our democracy” and a “direct threat to the integrity of our judicial system.”
• Mr Kwetey alleged that the judiciary”is being transformed into a puppet of the President.”
• He said “The NDC urgently demands an immediate halt of further Supreme Court appointments. We demand that President Akufo-Addo immediately stop any plans to appoint additional judges to the Supreme Court.”
• Contrasting and contradicting their previous stance, the NDC government has now appointed seven justices to the Supreme Court in a single move, barely 5 months into their term.
• No consistency in their principles: How does the NDC reconcile its past criticisms of judicial appointments with its current actions?

Let us remember: the PNDC, the ideological ancestor of today’s NDC, once murdered three High Court judges in cold blood. One of them, Justice Cecilia Koranteng-Addow, was pregnant. She died with her unborn child—burned, defiled, erased. That dark memory now casts its shadow once more, as Mahama returns with vengeance in his heart and fear as his weapon.

This time, instead of bullets and fire, he uses nominations and intimidation. He has proposed seven new appointments to the Supreme Court—some competent, yes, but all selected to serve his diabolical agenda.

13. The Bawku conflict has escalated under the current administration, with recurring violence and loss of lives indicating a failure of state security interventions. Despite assuming office with full knowledge of the security crisis in Bawku, the government has not introduced any new or effective strategy to bring lasting peace to Bawku.
14. Cocaine Busts and Allegations

The administration has faced multiple drug-related controversies:

High-Profile Cocaine Busts: Two major cocaine seizures ($350 million and $150 million) occurred in the first 100 days, raising questions about the government’s ability to curb drug trafficking.

CONCLUSION

After 120 days in office, it is painfully clear that this government has proven to be the same NDC of old. All they have done so far is a negative reset.

This is not the leadership our country deserves. Ghanaians are facing daily power cuts, rising unemployment, collapsing investor confidence, and a dangerous assault on independent institutions. Instead of providing hope, this government has unleashed hardship. Instead of healing the nation, they are dividing it. And instead of moving us forward, they are dragging us back.

We in the Minority will continue to hold this government accountable every step of the way.

The time for theatrics is over. The time for serious, competent governance is now!